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پرویز مشرف کے خلاف اوریا مقبول جان کے کالم ‘‘امت مسلمہ کا مجرم’’ کا جواب

January 22, 2014

بزعم خود، قوم کے مصلح اور مذھبی فکر کے داعی جناب اوریا مقبول جان نے مورخہ ۱۱ جنوری 2014ء کو اپنا گمراہ کن کالم بعنوان ’’امت مسلمہ کا مجرم‘‘ لکھا اور سابق صدر پرویز مشرف کو شدید ترین تنقید کا نشانہ بنایا۔ یہ کوئی نئی بات نہیں۔ موصوف اس سے پہلے بھی سابق صدر کے خلاف اپنے دل کی بھڑاس نکالتے رھے ھیں۔ اظہار رائے ان کا حق ھے، اور اس سے انہیں کوئی محروم نہیں کر سکتا۔ البتہ جب کالم نگار اپنے قلم کو مذھب کی سیاھی میں ڈبو کر کسی کی کردار کشی پر اتر آئیں اور قارئین کو جذباتی طور پر یرغمال بنا کر حقائق مسخ کرنے یا انہیں توڑ مروڑ کر پیش کریں، تو اس کا جواب تحریر کرنا، اور ان کو آئینہ دکھانا ھمارا حق ھے۔

یاد رھے کہ کچھ ماہ قبل، قوم کی ہونہار اور قابل فخر بیٹی ملالہ یوسف زئی کے خلاف موصوف اوریا مقبول جان نے نہایت ڈھٹائی سے ایک فریب آلود کالم لکھا اور اس کے بعد مختلف ٹی وی چینلز پر بیٹھ کر ملالہ کے خلاف لوگوں کو اکساتے رھے۔ گزشتہ دنوں، موصوف نے قائد اعظم کی ۱۱ اگست 1947ء کو قانون ساز اسمبلی میں کی گئی معرکتہ الآراء تقریر کو متنازعہ بنانے اور اسے سیکولر طبقے کی سازش قرار دینے کے لئے ایڑھی چوٹی کا زور لگایا۔ ملالہ یوسف زئی کے معاملے میں اسی بلاگ پر ایک مدلل جواب تحریر کیا گیااور اوریا مقبول جان کے فریب کا پردہ چاک کیا گیا۔ اسی طرح بیشتر دوستوں نے قائد اعظم کی تقریر کے اصل حوالہ جات، تاریخی اور ناقابل تردید ثبوتوں کے ساتھ پیش کئے اور موصوف کو بے نقاب کیا۔اپنی روایتی بد دیانتی کے تسلسل کو جاری رکھتے ھوئے ۱۱ جنوری کے کالم میں اوریا مقبول جان صاحب نے سابق صدر پرویز مشرف کے خلاف عوام میں نفرت اور اشتعال دلوانے کے لئے نہ صرف حد درجے دروغ سے کام لیا، بلکہ حسب سابق مذھب کو اپنے اس مزموم مقصد کے لئے استعمال کیا۔ یہ تحریر موصوف کے گمراہ کن کالم کے جواب میں پیش کی جارھی ھے، جس میں ان کو ایک بار پھر آئینہ دکھا یا جائے گا۔

واضح رھے کہ اوریا مقبول جان کو اس بات سے غرض نہیں ھے کہ پرویز مشرف پر چلنے والا مقدمہ کتنا عرصہ چلتا ھے یا اس کا کیا نتیجہ نکلتا ھے، لہٰذا اس تحریر میں اس مقدمے اور اس کے سیاسی، جمہوری یا آئینی نکات اور پہلوؤں پر کوئی گفتگو نہیں کی جائے گی۔

کالم نگار نے اپنی تحریر کا آٖغاز ایمل کانسی کو امریکہ کا دشمن اور پاکستانی قوم کا ھیرو قرار دے کر کیا۔ گویا ان کے نزدیک اس بات کی ھرگز کوئی اھمیت نہیں کہ پاکستان کا کوئی شہری دوسرے ملک میں جا کر قانون کو اپنے ھاتھ میں لے اور قتل و غارت اور دھشت گردی کرتا پھرے۔اس کے بعد فرار ھو کر واپس پاکستان میں آچھپے اور دنیا بھر میں اپنے ملک کو شرمندہ کروائے۔ ان کے نزدیک ایسے افراد ھیرو ھیں۔ ان کی اس منطق کی بنیاد پر پاکستان کے جن نام نہاد سپوتوں نے دھشت گردی کے ذریعے دنیا بھر میں اس سرزمین کو ذلیل و خوار کیا ھے، وہ تمام بھی پھر ھیرو ھوئے۔ اگر اوریا مقبول جان کے فلسفے پر عمل کیا جائے، تو اس امر میں رتی بھر شبہ نہیں رھنا چاھئیے کہ پاکستان ایک عالمی دھشت گرد ملک ھے، جو دنیا بھر میں بدمعاشی، بدامنی اور قتل و غارت کرنے والے افراد کو اپنا ھیرو سمجھتا ھے۔ اگر یہ الزام اس قوم کو قبول ھے، تو بسم اللہ کیجئے اور اوریا مقبول جان کو امور سلطنت سونپ دیجئے۔

Orya - I

ذرا آگے چلئے، تو اوریا مقبول جان کا جذبہء جہاد و قتال سے بھرپور قلم یہ الفاظ اگلتا ھے

‘‘اسامہ بن لادن کی شہادت ابھی کل کی بات ھے۔۔۔’’

Orya - II

ناطقہ سر بگریباں ھے، اسے کیا کہیے؟ ایک عالمی دھشت گرد، جس نے دنیا بھر میں جہاد کے نام کو قتل و غارت کا ھم معنی بنا دیا، کی ھلاکت کو کالم نگار ‘‘شہادت’’ قرارددے رھے ھیں۔ امریکہ دشمنی اور طالبان پرستی، ایسے ھی تشدد پسند ذھن پیدا کرتی ھے، جو نہ صرف اسامہ بن لادن اور حکیم اللہ محسود کو، بلکہ امریکہ کے ھاتھوں ھلاک ھونے والے کتے کو بھی شہید قرارد دے ڈالیں۔

اوریا مقبول جان، کیا آپ کو معلوم ھے کہ اسامہ بن لادن، عالمی دھشت گرد تنظیم القاعدہ کا بانی تھا۔ کیا آپ جانتے ھیں کہ 1992ء میں جب سومالیہ میں پانچ لاکھ افراد قحط کے ھاتھوں مارے گئے، تو اقوام متحدہ کی قراردادوں کے تابع وھاں ریلیف آپریشن کا آغاز ھوا۔القاعدہ نے اس مشن میں حصہ لینے کے لئے جانے والے امریکی فوجیوں کو مارنے کی غرض سے دو بم دھماکے کرائے۔ ان میں کئی زخمیوں کے علاوہ ایک آسٹریلوی سیاح اور ایک ھوٹل ملازم ھلاک ھوگئے۔ بعد میں القاعدہ نے ایک فتویٰ جاری کیا اور دھشت گردی کی اس کاروائی کو اسلامی حوالے سے درست قرارد دیا۔

کیا آپ کو معلوم ھے کہ امریکہ میں غیر قانونی طور پر داخل ھونے والے رمزی یوسف، جس نے 1993ء میں ورلڈ ٹریڈ سنٹر پر حملہ کرکے چھ افراد ھلاک اور ھزار سے زائد زخمی کئے، نے افغانستان میں واقع القاعدہ کے ٹریننگ سنٹر سے ٹریننگ لی تھی۔

کیا آپ کو یاد ھے کہ 1996ء میں اسامہ بن لادن نے امریکی صدر بل کلنٹن کے قتل کی منصوبہ بندی کی۔

کیا آپ بھول گئے کہ 1998ء میں اسامہ بن لادن نے امریکی فوجیوں اور شہریوں کے قتل عام کا فتویٰ جاری کیا اور اسے مسلمانوں پر فرض قرار دیا۔ اس ضمن میں انہوں نے القرآن الحکیم کی متعدد آیات بھی پیش کیں اور گویا ثابت کیا کہ (نعوذ باللہ) اسلام ایسی درندگی اور قتل و غارت کا حکم دیتا ھے۔

اوریا مقبول جان صاحب! کیا آپ فراموش کر گئے کہ 1998ء میں امریکی ایمبیسیوں پر حملوں میں القاعدہ نے سینکڑوں افراد کو ھلاک اور ھزاروں کو زخمی کیا۔

واضح رھے کہ القاعدہ کی دھشت گردی کی یہ چند مثالیں 9/11 کے سانحے سے پہلے کی ھیں۔ بعد میں ھونے والے فساد کے بارے میں سب ھی جانتے ھیں، لہٰذا ان کا ذکر پھر کسی وقت پر موقوف کئے دیتے ھیں۔ اسامہ بن لادن کو شہید قرارد دے کر اوریا مقبول جان نے ان تمام دھشت گرد کاروائیوں کو درست اور عین جہاد قرار دیا ھے۔ ھمیں امید ھے کہ وہ خود یا کم از کم وہ اپنے بچوں کو بھی ایسا ھی مجاھد بنانا پسند کریں گے۔ اگر آج بد قسمتی سے دین اسلام کو دھشت گردی سے منسوب کیا جاتا ھے یا اسلامی دھشت گردی کی تکلیف دہ اصطلاح وجود میں آئی ھے، تو اس کا سہرہ اوریا مقبول جان جیسے مبصرین اور ان کے پسندیدہ دھشت گردوں کے سر جاتا ھے۔

اپنے گمراہ کن کالم کو جاری رکھتے ھوئے موصوف، سابق صدر پاکستان پرویز مشرف کو امت مسلمہ کا ملزم قرار دیتے ھوئے لکھتے ھیں

‘‘اگر یہ امت زندہ ھوتی، تو مشرف جمہوریت کے نہیں امت مسلمہ کے ملزم کی حیثیت سے کٹہرے میں کھڑا ھوتا۔۔۔’’

Orya - III

حیرت بالائے حیرت۔ اوریا صاحب! اگر یہ امت زندہ ھوتی، تو آج آپ کا نام و نشان بھی مٹ چکا ھوتا کہ کیسے دیدہ دلیری سے ایک شخص دین اسلام کا لبادہ اوڑھے، جھوٹ اور منافقت کی ملمع کاری کئے اس قوم کو فریب دے رھا ھے اور اپنے قلم کی آبرو بیچ کر ایک انتہا پسندانہ نسل کی آبیاری کر رھا ھے۔ اگر یہ امت زندہ ھوتی، تو آپ کو کبھی عالمی دھشت گردوں کو شہید کہنے کی جراءت نہ ھوتی۔اگر یہ امت زندہ ھوتی، توآپ کو کبھی میرے دین اور رسول برحق صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم کی پاکیزہ اور انسانیت پرست تعلیمات کو قتل و غارت سے آلودہ کرنے والی دھشت گردی کو جہاد کہنے کی جسارت نہ ھوتی۔ اگر یہ امت زندہ ھوتی، تو میرے پچاس ھزار ھم وطنوں کو شہید کرنے والی تحریک طالبان کی تعریف میں کالم لکھتے ھوئے اوریا مقبول جان کو بیس مرتبہ سوچنا پڑتا۔ اگر یہ امت زندہ ھوتی، تو موصوف کوشام میں بغاوت کرنے والے القاعدہ کے بے رحم جنگ جوؤں کو حضرت امام مہدی کا سپاھی قرار دینے کی ھمت نہ ہو پاتی۔ یہی تو رونا ھے کہ یہ امت زندہ نہیں۔ اس امت کا زندہ نہ ھونا ھی آپ جیسے بے ضمیر اور فریبی لکھاریوں کے لئے آکسیجن ھے۔

پرویز مشرف پر وار کرتے ھوئے اوریا مقبول جان لکھتے ھیں،

‘‘تم نے چار سو سے ذائد مسلمانوں کو پیسے لے کرآگے بیچااور پھر اس پر اتراتے بھی رھے۔’’

Orya - IV

آپ کی پیشہ وارانہ اور عیارانہ چال بازی پر افسوس۔ گویا آپ کے نزدیک پاکستان،کسی طوائف کا کوٹھا ھے کہ جب جس کا جی چاھے ، چلا آئے اور اپنی ھوس مٹا کر لوٹ جائے۔

محترم! پاکستان ایک جوھری طاقت ھے، کوئی عام رہ گزر نہیں۔ کسی غیر ملکی اور بالخصوص کسی بھی دھشت گرد کو ھرگز یہ حق حاصل نہیں کہ وہ سرحد عبور کر کے یہاں اپنی کمین گاھیں بنائے اور یہاں سے کسی دوسرے ملک میں تخریب کاری کرتا پھرے۔ کیا آپ مجھے یہ حق دیں گے کہ میں آپ کے گھر کا دروازہ پھلانگ کر آپ کی اجازت کے بغیر اندر داخل ھو جاؤں اور وھیں اپنا ڈیرہ ڈال کر بیٹھ جاؤں؟ افغانستان اور دوسرے ممالک سے عسکریت پسند اور دھشت گرد، بغیر کسی دستاویز کے غیر قانونی طور پر جب پاکستان میں داخل ھوں، تو اس کا منہ توڑ جواب دیا جانا چاھئیے۔ یہی پرویز مشرف نے بھی کیا۔ اور ایسے دھشت گرد جن کی عالمی اداروں اور حکومتوں کی جانب سے باؤنٹی یا سر کی قیمت لگی ھوئی تھی، ان کو بر وقت کاروائی کر کے پکڑا گیا ۔ ایسے تمام دھشت گرد عناصرکو جب ان کے اپنے ممالک نے واپس لینے سے انکار کیا، تو انہیں ان عالمی اداروں یا حکومتوں کے حوالے کر دیا گیا، جنہیں وہ مطلوب تھے۔ ظاھر ھے کہ ایسا ھی کرنا چاھیئے تھا۔ مگر کیا کریں کہ اوریا مقبول جان، کمال معصومیت سے اسے ایک ھی جملے میں یہ کہہ کر ختم کردیتے ھیں کہ پرویز مشرف نے پیسے لے کر مسلمانوں کو آگے بیچا۔

In the line of fire - Page 237

حقائق سے کوسوں دور اور طفلانہ جذبات سے مغلوب کالم نگار آگے لکھتے ھیں

اس مملکت خداد پاکستان میں اور یہاں بسنے والی امت مسلمہ کے اخلاق و اقدار کو بگاڑنے، ان کے اندر فحش کو عام کرنے، ان کے مدرسوں اور مسجدوں پر ٹینکوں سے حملہ کرنے اور ان کی عورتوں اور بچوں کو بموں کی آتش میں بھوننے کے الزامات اس سے سوا ھیں، لیکن ان پر کوئی آواز بلند نہیں کرتا۔

Orya - V

یہ جملے لکھتے ھوئے کالم نگار مبالغہ گوئی کی سیڑھی پر کافی اوپر تک چڑھے ھوئے محسوس ھوتے ھیں۔ بہتر ھوتا کہ وہ ان نام نہاد الزامات کی کچھ تفصیل بھی لکھ ڈالتے، تاکہ ھمیں اس کا تجزیہ کرنے میں سہولت رھتی۔ خیر،ھم اوریا مقبول جان صاحب سے یہ پوچھنا چاھیں گے کہ معصوم اور نا پختہ ذھنوں میں جنت کے باغات اور شہد کی نہروں کے کنارے پر بیٹھی ھوئی توبہ شکن حوروں کا اشتباہ انگیز تصور ڈالنے والوں کے بارے میں آپ کی کیا رائے ھے۔ ان حوروں کے لمس اور صحبت کو پانے کی ھوس میں خود کش حملہ آور بن جانا کیسا فعل ھے؟ اگر تو یہ سب بہت اچھا اور عین اسلامی ھے، تو آپ اس جہاد میں عملی طور پر حصہ کیوں نہیں لیتے۔ کیا آپ پر جہاد فرض نہیں ھے؟ کیا وجہ ھے کہ آج تک آپ کے کسی بیٹے نے جہاد کے میدان میں خود کش حملہ نہیں کیا یا تحریک طالبان کے وحشیوں کی طرح کسی کو زبح نہیں کیا؟

اور اگر یہ سب کچھ بہت برا اور غلط ھے اور اسلام کی تعلیمات کے منافی ھے، تو پھر آپ کا قلم ان نام نہاد جہادیوں اور خود کش حملہ آوروں کی تعریفیں کرتا تھکتا کیوں نہیں ھے؟ آپ کو پرویز مشرف کی وجہ سے امت مسلمہ کا اخلاق و اقدرابگڑتا ھوا تو دکھائی دیتا ھے، مگر مساجد، امام بارگاھوں، مزاروں، گرجا گھروں اور بازاروں میں دندناتے ھوئے خود کش حملہ آوروں سے دین اسلام کا چہرہ اور اقدار مسخ ھوتی محسوس نہیں ھوتیں؟

Lal Masjid

آپ کا ذھن رسا مدرسوں اور مساجد پر ٹینکوں سے حملے ھوتا ھوا تو دیکھ لیتا ھے، مگر افسوس کے ان کے اندر براجمان تکفیری دھشت گرد دکھائی نہیں دیتے۔ بات بے بات مذھب کو اپنے مذموم مقاصد کے لئے دلیل کے طور پر استعمال کرنے والا کالم نگار ،مسجد ضرار کا واقعہ کیوں بھول جاتا ھے، جہاں میرے رسول صلہ اللہ علیہ وآلہ وسلم کو میرا رب خود یہ کہتا ھے کہ اس مسجد سے مسلمانوں کو نقصان پہنچایا جا رھا ھے۔

کیا موصوف اوریا مقبول جان کو یہ معلوم نہیں کہ لال مسجد اور ان جیسی کتنی ھی مساجد اور مدرسوں میں ھزاروں افراد کو دھشت گردی کی تربیت دی گئی اور پاکستان بھر میں خود کش حملے کرنے کے لئے پھیلایا گیا۔

Al-Quran - Surah Al-Tauba

پرویز مشرف کو امت مسلمہ کا مجرم قرار دیتے ھوئے اوریا مقبول جان یہ کیوں بھول جاتے ھیں کہ سورہ النساء میں اللہ تعالیٰ خود فرماتا ھے، ‘‘اے ایمان والو! اللہ کی اطاعت کرو، رسول کی اطاعت کرو اور اولی الامر کی اطاعت کرو۔’’ کیا کالم نگار کو یہ معلوم نہیں کہ پرویز مشرف اپنے دور حکومت میں پاکستان کے اولوالامر تھے؟ کوئی انہیں پسند کرے یا نہ کرے، ان کی پالیسیاں درست ھوں کہ غلط ھوں، ان سب سے قطع نظر، وہ اس مملکت کے صاحب اختیار تھے ۔ کیا آپ نہیں جانتے کہ اسلام میں یونٹی آف کمانڈ کی کتنی اھمیت ھے۔ اگر آپ کی طرح ھر شخص اپنی ڈیڑھ اینٹ کی مسجد بنا کر دوسروں پر یا حاکم وقت کے خلاف فتوے دینا شروع کر دے، تو کیا یہ وطن کی خدمت ھے یا قوم کو تقسیم کرنے کی سازش؟

Al-Quran - Surah Al-Nisa

کیا موصوف کو معلوم نہیں کہ سورہ المائدہ میں اللہ تعالیٰ ایک انسان کے قتل کو کل انسانیت کا قتل قرار دیتا ھے؟ کیا موصوف یہ نہیں جانتے کہ سورہ البقرہ میں فتنے کو قتل سے بھی بدتر جرم قرار دیا گیا ھے۔ کیا موصوف کو یاد دلانا پڑے گا کہ ان واضح احکامات کی موجودگی میں دھشت گرد کتنے قبیح جرائم کا ارتکاب کر رھے ھیں؟ کیا ایسے درندوں کو صرف اس بنیاد پر درگزر کر دیا جائے کہ وہ اوریا مقبول جان کے حمایت یافتہ ھیں یاموصوف کی خود ساختہ مذھبی تشریح کے مطابق کوئی بہت نیک فریضہ انجام دے رھے ھیں۔

ھمیں اس سے ھرگز کوئی غرض نہیں ھے کہ آپ پرویز مشرف سے اختلاف رکھیں اور اپنی تحریر کے ذریعے اپنی رائے کا اظہار کریں۔ ترقی پسند معاشرے میں آزادیء رائے کی بہت اھمیت ھے۔ تاھم ایسی صورت حال میں جب ھمارا ملک حالت جنگ میں ھے اور ھماری بقا خطرے کے نشان تک پہنچ چکی ھے، آپ کو یہ اختیار نہیں دیا جا سکتا کہ آپ اس قوم کو دھشت گردوں کی حمایت کے لئے اکساتے پھریں۔

Orya column - VIII

اوریا مقبول جان صاحب! اگر آپ میں انسانیت اور دین کی سچی رمق موجود ھوتی، تو آپ پرویز مشرف صاحب کے بارے میں ایسے لغو الزامات نہ لگاتے۔ اس کے برعکس، آپ دھشت گردوں کو امت مسلمہ کا مجرم قرار دیتے۔ ابھی بھی وقت ھے کہ سنبھل جائیے ۔ اگر آپ ایسا نہیں کرتے، تو کہیں ایسا نہ ھو کہ بروز حشر، آپ کے اوپر بھی کوئی فرد جرم عائد ھو جائے ۔ ڈرئیے اس وقت سے جب بذات خود آپ کوھی امت مسلمہ کا مجرم قرار دے دیا جائے۔ ایسا مجرم، جس نے قرآن کے واضح احکامات کی خلاف ورزی کرنے والے دھشت گردوں کو اپنا ھیرو قرار دیا اور اسلام کو دھشت گردی سے جوڑنے کے لئے اپنے قلم کی حرمت پامال کر ڈالی۔

The Noble Quran

( تحریر: سبز خزاں)

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Pervez Musharraf with Javed Chaudhry on Shahid Aziz & Kargil Issue

January 30, 2013

Pervez Musharraf on “Kal Tak with Javed Chaudhry” rejecting the claims of Gen. Shahid Aziz regarding the Kargil operation and character assassination of the Pakistan Military.

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Pervez Musharraf’s interview with Waseem Badami on the Kargil

January 30, 2013

Musharraf with Waseem Badami of the talk show “11th Hour” revealing how a military victory in Kargil was converted in to a political defeat by Nawaz Sharif.

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The Great Game Continues – Exclusive

October 21, 2011
(Dr Sachithanandam Sathananthan) 

The widely expected victory for Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) leader Asif Ali Zardari in the presidential election brought to a high point the tortuous process of regime change in Pakistan. Anyone who has followed the “colour revolutions” that installed pro-American rulers in Georgia (Rose Revolution, 2003), Ukraine (Orange
Revolution, 2004) and Kyrgystan (Tulip Revolution, 2005) could surely not have missed the tell tale signs.
The earliest foreboding surfaced in the backroom manoeuvres by United States (US) and British intelligence services to engineer panic about the security of Pakistan’s nuclear assets. It was a repeat of the duplicitous hysteria they generated over non-existent weapons of mass destruction that Iraq allegedly possessed. A carefully worded article, co-authored by former State Department officials Richard L. Armitage and Kara L. Bue, signalled the shift in US policy. After formally acknowledging then President Pervez Musharraf’s many achievements, the authors continued: “much remains to be accomplished, particularly in terms of democratization. Pakistan must…eliminate the home-grown jihadists…And…it must prove itself a reliable partner on technology transfer and nuclear non-proliferation.” And the denouement: “We believe General Musharraf…deserves our attention and support, no matter how frustrated we become at the pace of political change and the failure to eliminate Taliban fighters on the Afghan border.” Translation: Musharraf has to go.
Almost simultaneously a 2006 country survey in The Economist, titled “Too much for one man to do”, began on a jingoistic overkill: “Think about Pakistan, and you might get terrified. Few countries have so much potential to cause trouble, regionally and worldwide”. The following year a Carnegie Endowment report faulted western governments that “contribute to regional instability by allowing Pakistan to trade democratisation for its cooperation on terrorism”. Senior US State Department officials repeatedly accused Musharraf of “not doing enough” to combat Islamists within Pakistan and prevent their infiltration across the Durand Line into southern Afghanistan.
Sensing the way wind was blowing, then PPP Chairperson Benazir Bhutto redoubled efforts to convince Washington and London that, if she were to become Prime Minister, she would gladly do their bidding. She underscored her enthusiasm to serve and ensured her party was fully responsive to America’s Late Neo-colonialism. She summoned senior party members to Dubai on 9 June 2007 for a “briefing” by a team from the US Democratic Party’s National Democratic Institute (NDI), ostensibly on the subject of elections in Pakistan. The ruling Republican Party’s International Republican Institute (IRI) had conducted the previous four “briefings” in June and September 2006 and March and April 2007.
Benazir leaned towards the Democratic Party in the last one no doubt as a hedge against the party’s possible victory at the forthcoming US Presidential Election.
Even a cursory knowledge of US Imperialism’s standard operating procedure is sufficient to surmise at least some among the IRI and NDI officers were covert intelligence operatives; and that their “briefings” went beyond “tutelage of natives”. Rather they have been grooming the PPP as America’s satrap.
Benazir’s predilection to collaborate with the West has its roots in the Bhutto family’s micro political culture. Her grandfather, Shah Nawaz Bhutto was a minor comprador official in the British colonial regime. The British rewarded his “loyal” services with the title Khan Bahadur and later appointed him President of a District Board and still later elevated him to knighthood. Her father Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s populist programmes did not dilute that legacy, which left a lasting impression on Benazir; she firmly believed the path to political power in Pakistan meanders through the Embassy of the United States, the current neo-colonialist.
She promised to offer the International Atomic Energy Agency access to Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan to “satisfy the international community”, an euphemism for the major powers; and to allow the US-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan to operate inside north-western Pakistan. By the time Benazir visited the Senate in September 2007, she had convinced the Bush Administration of her unswerving loyalty; for “she received a standing ovation from a select gathering of US lawmakers, diplomats, academics and media representatives. This contrasted sharply with her previous visits to the US capital when she received little attention.” To deepen “Washington’s renewed interest in her” Benazir cautioned that supporting Musharraf was “a strategic miscalculation” and pleaded “the US should support the forces of democracy”, which, of course, refers to her PPP.
So, President George W Bush enabled Benazir’s return from exile by arm-twisting Musharraf to promulgate the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). The NRO of 5 October granted amnesty to politicians active in Pakistan between 1988 and 1999 and effectively wiped the slate clean of corruption charges for Benazir and her husband Asif Zardari. Three weeks later Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice made it appear the Bush Administration wished to bring together “moderate” forces, implying a scenario in which Musharraf and Benazir would join forces as President and Prime Minister respectively; and Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte corroborated Rice: “Our message”, he intoned, “is that we want to work with the government and people of Pakistan”.
However, Musharraf saw through the US Administration’s transparent ploy to lull him into believing it would not remove him and install Benazir in his place. So, he swiftly invited Nawaz Sharif, leader of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), back from exile in Saudi Arabia to counter Benazir. But he could not consolidate his position, especially because he mishandled the judiciary, and was compelled to resign on 18 August 2008.
In a nutshell, the reason for “Washington’s renewed interest” in Benazir is Musharraf’s firm opposition to US Late Neo-colonialism, to its manoeuvres to occupy, pacify and ravage Pakistan. In the 19th century British colonialism waged the “war on piracy” on the high seas ostensibly to bring “the light of Christian civilization”. But the British were the most successful pirates, as Spanish and Portuguese historians would gladly confirm. The “war on piracy” was the duplicitous justification trotted out to dominate lucrative maritime trade routes that were in the hands of Chinese, Arab and Tamil maritime empires and to invade kingdoms and/or countries essential to control trade and plunder resources. During most of the 20th century heroic anti-colonial movements and anti-imperialist wars rolled back much of colonial rule, which in some instances however morphed into neo-colonialism. Indonesia after Sukarno, Iran after Mosaddeq and Chile after Allende are well known examples.
The “war on terror” and “promoting democracy” are the 21st century equivalents of the 19th century British gobbledygook. American Late Neo-colonialism purveys them as moral justification and uses as political cover for intervening and, where necessary, invading resource-rich and strategic countries to overthrow nationalist leaders, install puppet regimes and savage the countries’ wealth. And of course the US is by far the most powerful terrorist force. It succeeded in Iraq (for now); but the CIA-organised regime change could not dislodge Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez, who rejected the neo-colonialist 1989 Washington Consensus and supported alternative nationalist economic models.
Politically challenged Pakistani liberals — a motley crowd that includes members of human rights and civil liberties organisations, journalists, analysts, lawyers and assorted professionals — are utterly incapable of comprehending the geo-strategic context in which Musharraf manoeuvred to defend Pakistan’s interest. So they slandered him an “American puppet”, alleging he caved in to US pressure and withdrew support to the Afghan Taliban regime in the wake of 9/11 although in fact he removed one excuse for the Bush Administration to “bomb Pakistan into stone age”, as a senior State Department official had threatened.
Nevertheless American discomfort with Musharraf’s government was palpable by late 2003, after he dodged committing Pakistani troops to prop up the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq. When he offered to cooperate under the auspices of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), naïve Pakistani media and analysts lunged for his jugular, condemning him once again for succumbing to US demands. But in fact he nimbly sidestepped American demands: he calculated that diverse ideological stances of the 57 Muslim member-counties would not allow the OIC to jointly initiate such controversial action and therefore Pakistan’s participation cannot arise, which proved correct.
Washington of course was not amused and the Bush Administration grew increasingly hostile to Musharraf’s determination to prioritise Pakistan’s interests when steering the ship of the state through the choppy waters of the unfolding New Great Game, in which the West — led by the US — is manoeuvring to contain growing Russian and Chinese influences in Central and West Asia. His foreign policy decisions over time convinced Washington that under his leadership, Pakistan would side with enemies of US and Britain in the New Great Game. First, he refused to isolate Iran; instead he vigorously pursued energy cooperation to build the Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline in the face of stiff American opposition. Second, Washington was alarmed by Musharraf’s preference for deepening Pakistan-China bilateral relations and forging nuclear cooperation; and more so when he offered Beijing naval facilities at the Gwadar port on Balochistan’s Arabian Sea coast overlooking the entrance to the Strait of Hormuz, a strategic chokepoint through which passes approximately 30 per cent of world’s energy supplies.
Perhaps the last straw was his success in gaining Observer Status for Pakistan in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Russia and China are spearheading the SCO, which includes four other countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan; Iran and India are also Observers. The SCO is widely perceived as a rising eastern counterweight to western security and economic groupings and Islamabad drifting towards the SCO was simply unacceptable in Washington.
To rub salt into its wounds, Musharraf refused permission to interrogate Dr AQ Khan and firmly rejected Washington’s demands that NATO troops be allowed into the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) to hunt down Osama bin Laden and his associates.
By early 2006 it was clear Washington was looking for nothing less than a pliable leader in Islamabad, a firm political foothold in Pakistan and a Pakistani foreign policy that complemented US strategic aims in Central Asia.
What perhaps angered Washington the most were actions Musharraf took to wind down the “war on terror” within Pakistan. Immediately after taking power, he outlawed three Islamic extremist groups and, after 9/11, intensified military operations in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan.
Washington would have gone along with Musharraf had he focussed on military operations to curb Islamists. Military action alone cannot defeat guerrillas; but it can kill many of them and in turn induce new recruits — well known points reiterated by William R Polk in Violent Politics (2007) – so that the so-called “war on terror” would not end any time soon.
That could supplement US Administrations’ assiduous manufacture of the “Islamic threat” through the 1990s to launch an endless “war on terror” — the New Cold War — to rescue America’s permanent war economy. For after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US economy (and by extension west European economies) faced perhaps its biggest crisis: the “Communist threat” ceased to be credible; it could not be exploited to terrify the American people into acquiescing to rising military expenditure that keeps wheels of the permanent war economy rolling and to expanding the repressive security apparatuses.
So the Bush Administration deftly replaced the “Communist threat” with the “Islamic threat”, no doubt following Machiavelli’s famous advice in The Prince, that a wise ruler invents enemies and then slays them in order to control his own subjects. The apparently counterproductive bombings, arrests, torture, kidnappings and disappearances (sanitised as Extraordinary Rendition) carried out by US forces while the CIA covertly funded, armed and supported Islamists are intended not to eliminate the “Islamic threat” but to contain it within manageable limits and to spawn the next generation of “terrorists”.
Sometimes, plans go awry; “culling” may not contain the resistance, as seen in Afghanistan from time to time. Nevertheless, the strategy is to “feed terrorism” and simultaneously “cull terrorists” so that the perpetual New Cold War oils America’s moribund permanent war economy.
Musharraf, however, did not play ball. He complemented military force to defeat Islamists with political initiatives.
He signed a peace treaty with tribal elders in North Waziristan (within FATA) to marginalise the Islamists. To combat the Islamists’ religious ideology, he promoted “enlightened moderation”, a veiled reference to secularism and tolerance. Musharraf’s vision of a secular Pakistan has its roots in exposure to Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s legacy when he attended school in Ankara during his father’s diplomatic posting to Turkey. In fact, after taking power in Pakistan he often held up Ataturk as his role model. He planned to “wean away” the people from the “extremists” through education is how he described his approach to this writer. Towards this end, he introduced educational reforms and re-wrote school history text books; enacted laws protecting women’s rights and diluted Islamic laws against women; and he liberalised the media. To deny Islamists their traditional rallying cry — Kashmir — he opened path breaking negotiations with India to remove that arrow from the Islamists’ quiver.
When Musharraf skilfully combined military operations against Islamists with a political front promoting secularism to ideologically disarm them, the US administration saw red. By secularising Pakistani society over time Musharraf would de-fang the “Islamic threat” within Pakistan and extricate the country out of the contrived orbit of “war on terror”. That would greatly diminish Washington’s leverage to intervene in the country to distance Islamabad from Beijing and exploit energy resources abundantly found in Balochistan and, in the long run, perhaps derail US administration’s well laid plans to bring Afghanistan to heel and to dominate Central Asia and its oil-rich Caspian Sea basin.
But Musharraf was in no mood to back down. So the Bush Administration slipped regime change into gear. Taking advantage of his missteps, the anti-Musharraf media blitz, NGO and student mobilisations, lawyers agitations, protests by political parties and civil society organisations seemingly coming from all directions in fact displayed a fantastic degree of organisation, coordination and financing clearly beyond the ken of the fratricidal activists and often ad hoc institutions and never witnessed before in the country. Very likely they will not be seen again either; indeed later the activists were singularly incapable of organising any significant agitation when three women were buried alive for defying their parents’ choice of husbands. The manoeuvres against Musharraf bear uncanny resemblances to organised “people’s power” the CIA unleashed during “colour revolutions” and upheavals against Hugo Chavez.
The Bush Administration began reaping the rewards of unseating Musharraf within 24 hours of his resignation. Chief of Army Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani travelled to Kabul to meet NATO and Afghan commanders on 19 August. About 10 days later Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen informed a Pentagon news conference on 28 August that Kayani and his lieutenants held a “secret meeting” with their US counterparts on a US aircraft carrier, reminiscent of American gun boat diplomacy in Latin America and unthinkable in Pakistan under Musharraf’s watch..
Mullen touchingly chronicled how he “learned to trust” Kayani and bent over backwards to emphasise that Kayani is no American puppet, that Kayani’s “principles and goals are to do what’s best for Pakistan.” But a few sections of the US media, weaned on decades of Pentagon-speak from the debacle in Vietnam to the illegal invasion of Iraq, saw through the verbal obfuscation. And when a reporter pointedly queried Mullen whether Kayani’s “goal for Pakistan also aligned a hundred per cent with the US goal”, the Admiral waffled: “[Kayani] knows his country a whole lot better than we do. And again, I just think that’s where he is, that’s where he’ll stay.” Translation: US administration has got Kayani on tight leash.
And to maintain there is no substantial change from Musharraf’s policies, Kayani’s spokesman Maj-Gen Athar Abbas and Mullen alleged the meetings had been arranged several weeks earlier, when Musharraf was President, to facetiously imply he had approved the contacts.
The import of “coordination” between American, NATO, Afghan and Pakistan militaries will become clearer over the next weeks and months. For now the suspicion is unavoidable that the US Administration has at long last begun frog-marching Pakistan into the US-created Afghan quagmire to further destabilise the country and justify intervention.
Musharraf had resolutely opposed precisely this eventuality. He rejected US demands that the Pakistani army assist NATO forces in Afghanistan. He underlined the country will not repeat the catastrophic mistakes of the 1980s when it got embroiled in America’s war in Afghanistan against the then Soviet Union, for which the Pakistani people continues to pay a heavy price. Rather, he insisted his army will fight only Pakistan’s war within Pakistan’s borders.
The consequences of the PPP leadership following the US into the Afghan quagmire will soon be evident.
Already, within 16 days of Musharraf’s resignation, US forces carried out the first ground assault in Angoor Adda area within Pakistan’s borders — which Musharraf had disallowed — with the connivance of the new leadership. Obviously there is more to come since the Bush Administration has eagerly caricatured the Pakistan-Afghanistan border as “The New Frontier” in the New Cold War.
For the moment, there is great euphoria among Pakistani liberals over the presumed “return to democracy”. The comments by Ayesha Tanmy Haq are typical: “We have removed a dictator by the citizenry showing that real power lies with them.” The hapless liberals have yet to discover Late Neo-colonialism and its devious manoeuvres for regime change; they have in fact effectively legitimised them by opposing Musharraf. They are agonisingly unaware of the labyrinthine geo-politics and economic imperatives underlying the New Cold War. They are blissfully going along with the collaborationist leaders who are bartering away the country’s future for the proverbial pieces of silver.
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Dr Sachithanandam Sathananthan read for the Ph D degree at the University of Cambridge and was Visiting Research Scholar at the Jawaharlal Nehru University School of International Studies.
(Source: Outlook India)
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LAL MASJID – SHIFTING TRUTH FROM LIES

August 26, 2011

(By Pervez Musharraf – former President of Pakistan)

The Lal Masjid operation is a case study of how an appropriately timed, meticulously planned and boldly executed operation launched in the supreme national interest can be distorted by vested interests who want to present it as a disaster. I would like to elaborate/clarify various issues which have been distorted. “Hundreds of innocent people were killed which included scores of women and children.” This is an absolute lie. Firstly none of those killed were innocent. They were terrorists (including five foreigners) who took the law in their own hands and killed a number of policemen, kidnapped and physically tortured Chinese citizens (causing embarrassment to the government) and burnt down Ministry of Environment offices, property and vehicles.

They had stored arms and explosives in the mosque and were equipped/prepared for suicide bombings. Secondly the numbers killed were NINETY FOUR and not a single woman or child was killed. This can be ascertained by digging their graves and counting. “The operation was launched overriding efforts to end the occupation peacefully.” Nothing could be farther from the truth. The siege of Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa was started about six months before the operation. There were about two thousand five hundred girls in Jamia Hafsa and an equal number of men who had taken over Lal Masjid. Despite all the pressure on the government in the media to act and evict the occupants who were challenging the writ of the government and causing immense embarrassment, the decision taken was to negotiate a peaceful settlement to avoid casualties. In the months that followed, representatives from Wafaqul Madaris and the Council of Islamic Ideology were sent to negotiate, Maulana Edhis’ wife was sent to pacify the girls and even Imam Kaaba was gracious enough to contribute towards an amicable end to the confrontation.

Besides this, a number of politicians and notables also tried their best to resolve the issue. All this was to no avail. The primary concern before launching the operation was how to avoid casualties. The operation was launched only after all efforts towards a negotiated settlement failed and maximum occupants including all women and children were drawn out. The individuals left were all hardened terrorists including five foreigners who refused to surrender and decided to fight it out.

We as Pakistanis must realise that we cannot be known internationally as a “Soft State” or a “Banana Republic” where there is no writ of the government. The government has to be strong enough to meet any challenge to its authority. Then only can we emerge as a stable, strong, respectable country in the comity of nations. We also have to make sure that religion is not misused to challenge the state and spread extremism in the society. Lal Masjid operation stands as a tribute to the gallantry of all the soldiers, especially of SSG, rangers and policemen who participated in the operation. May all the Shaheeds rest in peace, Ameen.

[Click here to watch the media confession of Umm-e-Hassan – Principal Jamia Hafsa in regards to the presence of suicide bombers.]

Source: APML online

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9/11 – Could we have decided otherwise?

August 24, 2011

By Pervez Musharraf – former President of Pakistan

Pakistan’s decision to join the US and the Coalition in Afghanistan in their attack on the Taliban remains a subject of intense debate. This is the decision we took after a thorough, deliberate and realistic appraisal of the obtaining geo-strategic realities, but it has drawn criticism and praise alike. With the latest upsurge in terrorist activity in Pakistan, the debate on the post-9/11 response of Pakistan has intensified. I, therefore, thought it my duty to lay bare facts in front of the people of Pakistan, so that with all the necessary information they could judge the situation more accurately. The decision of my government was indeed based on, and in conformity with, my slogan of ‘Pakistan First’.
Some people suggested that we should oppose the United States and favour the Taliban. Was this, in any way, beneficial for Pakistan? Certainly not! Even if the Taliban and Al-Qaeda emerged victorious, it would not be in Pakistan’s interest to embrace obscurantist Talibanisation. That would have meant a society where women had no rights, minorities lived in fear and semi-literate clerics set themselves up as custodians of justice. I could have never accepted this kind of society for Pakistan. In any case, judging by military realities one was sure that the Taliban would be defeated. It would have been even more detrimental for Pakistan to be standing on the defeated side.
The United States, the sole superpower, was wounded and humiliated by the 9/11 Al-Qaeda terrorist attack. A strong retaliatory response against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan was imminent.

I was angrily told, by the US, that Pakistan had to be ‘either with us or against us’. The message was also conveyed to me that ‘if Pakistan was against the United States then it should be prepared to be bombed back to the Stone Age.’

This was the environment within which we had to take a critical decision for Pakistan. My sole focus was to make a decision that would benefit Pakistan in the long run, and also guard it against negative effects.

What options did the US have to attack Afghanistan? Not possible from the north, through Russia and the Central Asian Republics. Not from the west, through Iran. The only viable direction was from the east, through Pakistan. If we did not agree, India was ever ready to afford all support. A US-India collusion would obviously have to trample Pakistan to reach Afghanistan. Our airspace and land would have been violated. Should we then have pitched our forces, especially Pakistan Air Force, against the combined might of the US and Indian forces? India would have been delighted with such a response from us. This would surely have been a foolhardy, rash and most unwise decision. Our strategic interests – our nuclear capability and the Kashmir cause – would both have been irreparably compromised. We might even have put our very territorial integrity at stake.

The economic dimension of confronting the United States and the West also needed serious analysis. Pakistan’s major export and investment is to and from the United States and the European Union. Our textiles, which form 60 percent of our export and earnings, go to the West. Any sanctions on these would have crippled our industry and choked our economy. Workers would lose their jobs. The poor masses of Pakistan would have been the greatest sufferers.

China, our great friend, also has serious apprehensions about Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. The upsurge of religious extremism emboldening the East Turkistan Islamic Movement in China is due to events in Afghanistan and the tribal agencies of Pakistan. China would certainly not be too happy with Pakistan on the side of Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Even the Islamic Ummah had no sympathy for the Taliban regime; countries like Turkey and Iran were certainly against the Taliban. The UAE and Saudi Arabia – the only two countries other than Pakistan that had recognised the Taliban regime – had become so disenchanted with the Taliban that they had closed their missions in Kabul.

Here, I would also like to clear the notion that we accepted all the demands put forward by USA.

On September 13th 2001, the US Ambassador to Pakistan, Wendy Chamberlain, brought me a set of seven demands. These demands had also been communicated to our Foreign Office by the US State Department.

1. Stop Al-Qaeda operatives at your borders, intercept arms shipments through Pakistan, and end all logistical support for bin Laden.
2. Provide the United States with blanket overflight and landing rights to conduct all necessary military and intelligence operations.
3. Provide territorial access to the United States and allied military intelligence as needed, and other personnel to conduct all necessary operations against the perpetrators of terrorism and those that harbour them, including the use of Pakistan’s naval ports, air bases, and strategic locations on borders.
4. Provide the United States immediately with intelligence, immigration information and databases, and internal security information, to help prevent and respond to terrorist acts perpetrated against the United States, its friends, or its allies.
5. Continue to publicly condemn the terrorist acts of September 11 and any other terrorist acts against the United States or its friends and allies, and curb all domestic expressions of support [for terrorism] against the United States, its friends, or its allies.
6. Cut off all shipments of fuel to the Taliban and any other items and recruits, including volunteers, en route to Afghanistan, who can be used in a military offensive capacity or to abet a terrorist threat.
7.Should the evidence strongly implicate Osama bin Laden and the Al-Qaeda network in Afghanistan and should Afghanistan and the Taliban continue to harbour him and his network, Pakistan will break diplomatic relations with the Taliban government, end support for the Taliban, and assist the United States in the afore-mentioned ways to destroy Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaeda network.Some of these demands were ludicrous, such as “curb all domestic expressions of support [for terrorism] against the United States, its friends, and its allies.” How could my government suppress public debate, when I had been trying to encourage freedom of expression?

I also thought that asking us to break off diplomatic relations with Afghanistan if it continued to harbour Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda was not realistic, because not only would the United States need us to have access to Afghanistan, at least until the Taliban fell, but such decisions are the internal affair of a country and cannot be dictated by anyone. But we had no problem with curbing terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We had been itching to do so before the United States became its victim.

We just could not accept demands two and three. How could we allow the United States “blanket overflight and landing rights” without jeopardising our strategic assets? I offered only a narrow flight corridor that was far from any sensitive areas. Neither could we give the United States “use of Pakistan’s naval ports, air bases, and strategic locations on borders.” We refused to give any naval ports or fighter aircraft bases. We allowed the United States only two bases – Shamsi in Balochistan and Jacobabad in Sindh – and only for logistics and aircraft recovery. No attack could be launched from there. We gave no “blanket permission” for anything.

The rest of the demands we could live with. I am happy that the US government accepted our counterproposal without any fuss. I am shocked at the aspersion being cast on me: that I readily accepted all preconditions of the United States during the telephone call from Colin Powell. He did not give any conditions to me. These were brought by the US ambassador on the third day.

Having made my decision, I took it to the Cabinet. Then I began meeting with a cross section of society. Between September 18 and October 3, I met with intellectuals, top editors, leading columnists, academics, tribal chiefs, students, and the leaders of labour unions. On October 18, I also met a delegation from China and discussed the decision with them. Then I went to army garrisons all over the country and talked to the soldiers. I thus developed a broad consensus on my decision.

This was an analysis of all the losses/harms we would have suffered. if we had taken an anti-US stand. At the same time, I obviously analysed the socio-economic and military gains that would accrue from an alliance with the West. I have laid down the rationale for my decision in all its details. Even with hindsight, now, I do not repent it. It was correct in the larger interest of Pakistan. I am confident that the majority of Pakistanis agree with it.

Source: The Nation

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Musharraf’s counterterrorism formula: a three-tiered strategy

January 12, 2011

If elected back to office in Pakistan, former president Pervez Musharraf will apply a three-tiered strategy- military, political, and the socioeconomic- to fight terrorism.

In an interview with Foreign Policy, when asked how would his “approach to fighting terrorism change” if he got elected in Pakistan polls, Musharraf replied: “We have to use the military, the political, and the socioeconomic-a three-tiered strategy. We have to wean away the people from the Taliban.”

“In the past, we [thought that we] needed to gradually get [the regions] away from the tribal culture and bring the government into play- provincial government, local government, and national government. But the demand of the day is very different now. We need to empower the ex-tribal maliks to counter al Qaeda and the Taliban because those tribal maliks were the ones who held sway over the tribes,” he added.

Musharraf said that if the 9/11 attacks had not happened, one would have preferred elections and local government to do away with the tribal culture.

“But now, with the Taliban being there, we need to get that same tribal culture back and ask the tribal maliks to take charge against the Taliban and al Qaeda,” he added.

The former military ruler laid emphasis on educating the masses in the tribal agencies, especially the women, calling it “a long-term strategy of transforming the tribal agencies and integrating them with the rest of Pakistan.” (ANI)

Source: Sify News

 

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